Dios Rome : Volume V (Illustrated)

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Because, by Jupiter, you were afraid Shall you, then, who were silent at the time, obtain pardon for your cowardice, and shall he, because he was preferred before you, submit to punishment for his virtue? Where have you learned this kind of justice, or where have you read this kind of law? In fact, the very reverse is ti ue : those who were quarrelling at that time and causing all the trouble were Trebellius and Dolabella, where- as Antony was so fai from doing any wrong and was so active m every way m your behalf that he was even entiusted by you with the guarding of the city against those very men, and that, too, without any opposition on the pait of this remarkable orator for he was piesent , but actually with his appioval.

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Notice also, now, I beg of you, how he admimstei ed this office of his ; for you will find, if you examine the matter carefully, that his tenuie of it proved of great value to the city. Any other man, now, would have declared that he had been ordeied by his superior to do all this, and putting foiwaid the compulsion as an excuse, -would have obtained pardon for it — and why not, considering that w r e had passed such votes at that time and that the soMieis had gamed such power?

Antony, however, because he was thoroughly ac- quainted with Caesar s intentions and perfectly aware of all he was prepanngto do, by great good judgment succeeded m turning him aside fiom his couise and dissuaded him. Well then, when Antony, against whom he has inveighed, saw that Caesar was becoming exalted above our government, caused him, by means of the very proposals which weie supposed to gratify him, not to put into effect any of the projects he had m mind. But, m fad, it BC 43 was necessary for him to heai this in the Roman Forum, where we have often joined m many deliberations for freedom, and beside the rostra, fiom which we have sent forth thousands upon thousands of measures on behalf of the lepublic, and at the festival of the Lupercaha, m order that he might be reminded of Romulus, and from the lips of the consul, that he might call to mind the deeds of the eaily consuls, and in the name of the people, that he might ponder the fact that he was undertaking to be tyrant, not over Africans or Gauls or Egyptians, but over very Romans.

These words brought him to himself, they humiliated him ; and whereas, if any one else had offered him the diadem, he might perhaps have taken it, as it w r as, through the influence of all these associations, he checked himself , he shuddered and felt afiaid a Heie, then, you have the deeds of Antony, he did not break a leg m a vain attempt to make his own escape, nor burn off a hand m 01 der to frighten Poi senna, but by his cleverness and consummate skill, which weie of more avail than the spear of Decius or the swoid of Brutus, he put an end to the tyranny of Caesar But as for you, Cicero, what did you accomplish m your consulship, I will not say that was wise and good, but that was not deserving of the gi eatest punishment?

Did you not throw our city into confusion and party stufe wdien it was quiet and harmonious, and fill the Forum and the Capitol with slaves, among others, whom you had summoned to help you? Indeed, if one should take these phrases fiom your speeches, theie is nothing left. You censuied Pompey because he conducted the tual of Milo contrary to the established pro- cedure , yet you yourself afforded Lentulus no privilege great or small that is prescribed in such cases, but without defence or tnal you cast into prison a man respectable and aged, who could furnish in his ancestors abundant and weighty guarantees of his devotion to his country, and by reason of his age and his character had no power to incite a revolution What evil w r as his that he could have cured by the change m the government?

And what blessing did he not enjoy that he would certainly have jeopardized by beginning a rebellion?


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Foi this is 'what our excellent Tullius here parti- cularly desired, namely, that in the place that bears his name, 1 he might put to death the grandson of that Lentulus who once had been the leader of the senate What would he have done now if he had laid hold of the power afforded by arms, seeing that he accomplished so much mischief by his words 1 t,e the Tullianum, later known as the Mamertme prison.

These are your brilliant achievements, tffese are your gieat exhibitions of generalship; and not only were you condemned foi them by your associates, but you also cast youi own vote against youiself by fleeing even before your tual came on Yet what greatei proof could there be that you were guilty of his blood than that you came withm an ace of perishing at the hands of those very persons on w T hose behalf you pretended you had done all this, that you were afraid of the very men whom you claimed to have benefited by these acts, and that you did not wait to hear what they had to say or to say a word to them, you clever, you extraordinary man, you who can aid others, but had to secuie your own safety by flight as fiom a battle?

Se emftovkevei. Zva yovv rakka idcrco , ikeqdel? At any rate to omit other instances , after being pitied and spared by Caesar and eni oiled among the patricians, he then killed him, not with his own hand, of course — how could he x cowardly and effeminate as he is? That I am speaking the ti uth m this matter was made plain by the murderers themselves ; at any late, when they ran out into the Forum with their naked blades, they called for lum by name, crying f Cicero! Therefore, 1 say, he slew Caesar, his benefactor, and as for Antony, the very man from whom he had obtained not only his priesthood but also his life, when he was in danger of perishing at the hands of the soldiers m Brundisium, he repays him with this soit of thanks, accusmg him of deeds with which neither he himself nor any one else ever 43 DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY fnqT auTo?

Why so? But, as I said, I will pass over these matters ; bc 43 for the majority of them have not been specifically mentioned, and Antony, who could inform you exactly of what he has done in each instance, is not present. But as regards Macedonia and Gaul and the remaining provinces and as legal ds the legions, there are youi decrees, Conscript Fathers, according to which you assigned to the various governors their several chaiges and entrusted Gaul, together with the troops, to Antony And this is known also to Cicero, for he was present and voted for them all just as you did Yet how much better it would have been for him to speak against it at the time, if any of these matters were not being done properly, and to instruct you in these matters that he now brings forward, than to be silent at the time and allow you to make mistakes, and now nominally to censure Antony but really to accuse the senate I And no sensible person could assert, either, that Antony forced you to vote these measures.

But even though you were then silent, tell us now, at least, what we ought to have done m the circumstances? Leave the legions leaderless? Would they not have filled both Macedonia and Italy with countless evils? Entrust them, then, to another? Ap- point one of the assassins, then? Why, it was not even safe for them as it was to live m the city Appoint, then, a man of the party opposed to them? Why, everybody suspected the membeis of that party.

What office, now, were you holding? And certainly you were not afraid of anybody, either. How could you have feared Antony unarmed when you do not dread him armed? Antony, who wishes to compel our allies to obey our decrees, or the allies, who have not received the ruler sent them by us but have attached themselves to the man who was rejected by our vote?

For I declare that we ought not yet to make an enemy of either of these men m arms nor to enquire too closely into what they have been doing or in what way For the present is not a suitable occasion for such action, and as they are all alike our fellow citizens, if any one of them fails the loss will be ours, and if any one of them succeeds his advance- ment will be a menace to us. Remember that day and the speech which you delivered m the precinct of Tellus, 2 and concede also a little to this goddess of Concord m whose precinct we are now deliberating, lest you discredit what you said then and make it appear to have been uttered on that occasion from some other motive than an upright purpose , for such a course is not only to the advantage of the state but will also bring you most renown Do not think that audacity is either glorious or safe, and do not assert that you despise death and expect to be piaised for saying this For 1 Cf.

Do you, therefoie, if you honestly wish your eountiy to be saved, speak and act m such a way that you yourself will be saved and not, by Jupiter, in such a way as to bring destruction upon us as well as upon yourself! So they voted, first, a statue to Caesar himself and the right not only to sit m the senate among the ex-quaestors 1 but also to be a candidate for the other offices ten years sooner than custom allowed, and that he should leceive from the city the money which he had spent on his soldiers, because he had equipped them at his own cost m its defence, naturally , and, second, they voted that both his soldiers and those that had abandoned Antony should have the privilege of not fighting m any other war and that land should be 1 Inasmuch as the quaestoiship was the regular stepping- stone to the senate, they confeired upon him the lank of an ex-quaestor in order that he might be eligible to member- ship in that body.

To Antony they sent an b. More- over, they removed from office the senators who had received from him governorships over the provinces and decided that others should be sent m their place. He was glad to seize upon the pretext of the decrees, and straightway reproached the envoys with not treatmg him rightly or fairly as compared with the lad meaning Caesar And in order to place the blame for the war upon the senators, he sent an embassy m his turn, and made some counter-propositions which saved his face but were impossible of perfoimance either by Caesar or by his supporters.

His purpose in making this last demand was to win over these two men, so that they should not harbour any resentment against him for his operations against their fellow-conspirator Decimus. Antony made these offers knowing well that neither of them would be accepted. Hence they did not even change their raiment immediately, but per- suaded the senate to send envoys again to Antony, among them Cicero ; in doing this they pretended that the lattei might persuade him to make terms, but their real pm pose was that he should be removed from their path He perceived this, however, and became alarmed, and did not venture to expose himself in the camp of Antony.

Consequently none of the other envoys set out, either. Also a bronze statue of him which stood m the vestibule of his house turned around of itself on the day and at the hour that he set out on the campaign, and the sacrifices customary before war could not be intei preted by the seers by leason of the quantitj 7- of blood.

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Likewise a man who was just then bringing him a palm slipped m the blood winch had been shed, fell, and defiled the palm These were the portents in his case Now if they had befallen him when a private citizen, they would have pertained to him alone, but since he was consul, they had a bearing on all alike. Se Travra? I shall now go on to describe the separate events. Each of these two pietences, ut- terly inconsistent as they were, he made with an eye to his own advantage Caesar, now, had begun a cam- paign agamst his rival before the command of the war was voted to him, though he had achieved nothing worthy of mention.

When, however, he learned of the decrees passed, he accepted the honours and rejoiced, the more so, since, when he was sacrificing at the time of receiving the distinction and the authority of praetor, the livers of all the victims, twelve in number, were found to be double. Decimus, it seems, had previously been defending himself vigorously against Antony.

On one occasion, suspecting that some men had been sent into the city to corrupt the soldiers, he called together all those present and after a few piehmmary remarks pro- claimed through a herald that all the men under arms shouid go to one side of a certain place that he pointed out and the private citizens to the other side of it ; in this way he detected and ai rested Antony's spies, who did not know which way to turn, and were thus left by themselves.

Later he was entirely shut in by a wall , and Caesar, fearing he might be cap- tured by storm or might capitulate through lack of provisions, compelled Hirtius to join him m an expedition; for Vibius was still m Rome making the levies and abolishing the laws of the Antonn 1 Accordingly, they set out and without a blow took possession of Bonoma, which had been abandoned by its garrison, and routed the cavalry which later con- 1 Cf xlv.

But even so, wishing at least to make their presence known to Decimus, that he might not make terms too soon, they at first tned sending beacon signals from the tallest trees, and when he did not undeistand, they scratched a few words on a tlnn sheet of lead, rolled up the lead like a piece of paper and gave it to a diver to carry across under water by night.

Thus Decimus learned at one and the same time of their presence and of their promise of assistance, and sent them a reply in the same fashion, after which they continued uninterruptedly to leveal all their plans to each other. Antony, therefore, seeing that Decimus was not inclined to yield, left him to the charge of his brother Lucius, and himself proceeded against Caesar and Hirtnis The two armies faced each other for many days and a few insignificant cavalry skirmishes occuired, with honours even Finally the German cavaliy, whom Caesar had won to his side along with the elephants they had, 1 went over to Antony again.

They had issued from the camp with the rest and had gone on ahead as if intending to engage by them- selves those of the enemy who came to meet them ; but after a little they turned about and unexpectedly attacked the men who followed behind, who were looking for nothing of the sort, and killed many of them. To those who had participated in the conflict and had perished a public burial was voted, and it was further voted that all the prizes which they would have received, had they lived, should be given to their sons and fathers.

And to the end that, no tnatter how much he might wish it, he should not be able to do any harm, they arrayed all his personal enemies against him. They would certainly have gone farther and deprived him of the forces that he had, had they not been afraid to vote this openly, because they knew that Ins soldiers were devoted to him. But they attempted, even so, to set them at variance with one another and with Caesar him- self. The people m the city, on learning this, though they were frightened, did not even then appoint Caesar consul, the honour which he especially coveted, but S3 B. Xoyov 9 01?

The people in the city, on hearing this, for a time regarded him with indifference, but when they heard that Antony and Lepidus had become of one mmd, ' they began again to court his favour, being ignorant of the piopositions he had made to Antony, and put lnm m charge of the war against the other two.

Caesar, accordingly, undei took this war also, hoping that he might be made consul for it, for he was work- ing so hard through Cicero and others to be elected, that he even promised to make Cicero his colleague. This, of couise, had reference to Lepidus and Antony, since the majority of their adherents were of that class So he waited and sent to the senate as envoys on this business four hundred of the soldiers themselves.

They did not really desire to obtain it, but wished to test the senatois and see if they would grant at least this request, and, if they should not, to gain as an excuse for resentment their pretended vexation at being refused. He summoned in haste Antony and Lepidus for he had attached Lepidus also to himself through the friendship existing between Antony and Lepidus , and he himself, pretending to have been forced to such measures by his soldiers, set out with all of them against Rome. They slew one of the knights, among others whom they suspected of being present to spy upon them, and besides harrying the lands of such as were not m accord with them, did much other mischief on this same pretext The senators, on learning of their approach, sent them their money before they drew near, hoping that when the invaders received it they would retiFe, and when, even so, they still pressed on, they appointed Caesar consul.

They gained nothing, however, by this step, either , for the soldiers were not at all grateful to them foi what they had done not willingly but under compulsion, but were even more emboldened, now that they had thoroughly frightened them. So when the senate learned this, it altered its policy and oidered them not to approach the city but to keep at least a hundred miles from it They themselves also changed their garb again and com- mitted to the praetors the care of the city, as was the custom.

Now these things were taking place while Caesar was still on the march ; and all the people who were at that time in Rome with one accoid took part m the proceedings against him, just as most men are wont to be bold until they come m sight of dangers and have a chance to experience them When, however, he arrived in the suburbs, they became alarmed, and first some of the senators, and later many of the people, went over to his side Thereupon the praetors also came down from the Jamculum and surrendered to him their soldiers and themselves. Tipal 9 Ta? And Caesar was extremely proud of the fact that he was to be consul at an earlier age than had ever been the lot of any one else, and furthermore that on the first day of the elections, when he entered the Campus Martius, he saw six vultures, and later, while haranguing the soldiers, twelve others.

Now Caesar not only gave the soldiers the money but also expressed to them his most hearty and sincere thanks , indeed, he did not even venture to enter the senate-chamber without a guard of them. To the senate he showed giatitude, but it was all fictitious and assumed ; for he was accepting as if it were a favour received from their willing hands what he had attained by applying force to them.

This is the way of the matter, but I shall call him, not Octavianus, but Caesar, inasmuch as the latter name has prevailed among all who have held sway over the Romans. For although he acquired another name also, — that of Augustus, — and the emperors who succeeded him consequently assumed it also, that one will be described when it comes up m the history, and until then the title Caesar will be sufficient to show that Octavianus is indicated.

But when they had been won over by means of the money, although it belonged to the public funds and had been collected B. This action was concocted chiefly against Sextus Pompey ; for although he had had no share whatever in the attack, he was never- theless condemned because he had been an enemy. Those adjudged guilty were debarred from fire and water and their property confiscated. The provinces, not only those which some of them were governing, but all the others as well, were entrusted to the fi iends of Caesar Among the accused was also Publius Servilius Casca, the tribune.

Thus has the tradition been observed. Now the murderers of Caesar had many accusers who were anxious to ingratiate themselves with his son, and many who were persuaded to act thus by the rewards offered. After accomplishing all this Caesar made a pretence of making a campaign against Lepidus and Antony. Hence Antony collected as many as he could of the survivors of the battle and came to Lepidus, who had also made preparations to march into Italy in ac- cordance with the decree, but had afterwards been ordered to remain where he was.


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Hence for the time being he neither received Antony nor repelled him, but allowed him to be near and to associate with his followers, though he did not hold a conference with him; but when he learned of Antony's agreement with Caesar, he then came to terms with both of them himself. Marcus Juventius, 1 his lieutenant, learned what was being done and at first tried to alter his purpose; then, when he did not succeed m persuading him, he made away with himself in the sight of the soldiers.

For this the senate voted eulo- gies and a statue to Juventius and a public funeral, but they deprived Lepidus of his statue which stood upon the rostra and declared him an enemy. They also set a certain day for his comrades and threatened them with vrar if they did not abandon him before that day. Caesar nominally accepted the charge, m spite of having caused his soldiers to shout out the promise 1 M.

Juventius Laterensis. This was not because he had made common cause with Antony and through him with Lepidus, — little did he care for that, — but because he saw that they were powerful and knew that their harmony was due to their kinship, and not only could he not use force with them, but he even cherished hopes of bringing about through them the downfall of Cassius and Brutus, who were already very influential, and later of mastering them also by playing one against the other Ac- cordingly, though reluctantly, he kept his covenant with them and even effected a reconciliation between them and the senate and people He did not himself propose the matter, lest some suspicion should anse of what had taken place, but he set out as if to make war on them, while Quintus urged, as if on his own motion, that amnesty and restoration should be granted to them.

Learning, however, of his own condemnation and of their reconciliation, he wished to make a campaign against Caesar, but 1 A reference to the latter half of chap 42, where Caesar binds his soldiers by oath never to fight against any of their former comrades B. Antony and Lepidus left lieutenants in Gaul and themselves proceeded to join Caesar in Italy, taking with them the larger and better part of the army. So with such a purpose they marched through Italy, as if through a friendly country , still, it was harried, owing to their numbers and audacity, as much as in any war They were met near Bonoma by Caesar with many soldiers , for he was exceedingly well pi epared to defend himself against them, if they should offer any violence.

Marcus Brutus It will have been observed that Dto regularly calls Decimus Brutus by his first name only. For although they hated one another bit- terly, yet since they had forces about equal and desired to have one another's assistance in taking vengeance on their other enemies first, they reached a pretended agreement And the three men came together for the conference, not alone, but each with an equal number of soldiers, on a little island in the river that flows past Bononia, so that no one else might be present on the side of any of them And so they withdrew to a distance from their several escorts and searched one another carefully, to make sure that no one had a dagger concealed.

The bc 43 former was called Gallia Togata, as I have stated , 1 because it seemed to be more peaceful than the other divisions of Gaul, and because the inhabitants already employed the Roman citizen-garb; the other was termed Gallia Comata because the Gauls there for the most part let their hair grow long, and were in this way distinguished from the others.

So they made these allotments, for the purpose of securing the strongest provinces themselves and giving others the impression that they were not striving for the whole. After this, in order that the soldiers might ostensibly be hearers and witnesses of the terms they had made, they called them together and harangued them, telling all that it was proper and safe to tell them.

For, in addition to other considerations, he understood that his father Caesar had not failed to carry out all his plans against Pompey, in spite of the kinship between them. About Biutus and Cassius and what they did before the battle of Philippi chaps. F Lepidus II , L. Munatius L F. Plancus After forming this compact and taking oaths they b.

These portents befell them before they entered Italy ; but m Caesar's case it w r as at this very time, immediately after the covenant had been made, that an eagle settled upon his tent and killed two crows which had attacked it and were trying to pluck out its feathers — a sign which gave him the victory over both his rivals. In Sulla's time, to be sure, the perpetiators had committed their shocking deeds on the spur of the moment, inas- much as they were trying this sort of thing for the 1 Cf.

If one person was found 'who matched another m value so that there was a parity between them, there was an even exchange ; but those whose value was enhanced by some ex- cellence or rank or even relationship perished each at the price of seveial lives. For, as is natural m civil wars, which last a long time and involve many incidents, many had in the course of the stnfe come into collision even with their nearest relatives For example, Antony had found an enemy in his uncle, Lucius Caesar, and Lepidus m his brother, Lucius Paullus.

But though the lives of these men were spared, yet many of the rest were slaughtered even m the houses of their fi lends and relatives, at whose hands they most confidently expected to be saved and honoured. But Caesar seems to have taken part in the business merely because of his sharing the authority, since he himself had no need at all to kill a large number ; for he was not naturally cruel and had been brought up in his father s ways Moreover, as he was still a young man and had just entered politics, he was under no necessity in any case of hating many pei sons violently, and, besides, he wished to be loved.

A proof of this is that from the time he broke ofF his joint rulership with his colleagues and held the power alone he no longer did anything of the sort. And even at this time he not only re- frained from destroying many but actually saved a very large number; and he treated with great se- verity those who betrayed their masters or friends and very leniently those who helped others ; witness the case of Tanusia, a woman of note.

She at first concealed her husband Titus Vmius, one of the pro- scribed, m a chest at the house of a freedman named Philopoemen and so made it appear that he had been killed. Later she waited for a popular festival, which a relative of hers was to direct, and through the B. Caesar, astonished, released all of them — for death was the penalty also foi such as concealed anyone — and enrolled Philopoenien among the knights So Caesar saved the lives of as many as he could ; and Lepidus allowed his brother Paulus to escape to Miletus and was not inexorable toward the others.

But Antony killed savagely and mercilessly, not only those whose names had been posted, but likewise those vrho had attempted to assist any of them He always viewed their heads, even if he happened to be eating, and sated himself to the fullest extent on this most unholy and pitiable sight. Indeed, with the exception of releasing his uncle at the earnest entreaty of his mother Julia, Antony performed no praiseworthy act For these reasons the murders took many forms, and also the rescues m individual instances were of divers kinds. Many penshed at the hands of their dearest friends, and many were saved by their bit- terest enemies Some slew themselves, and others were released by the very men who came upon them to murder them.

Peir , om. LM Xiph. I shall b. So they turned aside, thinking they had slam the man they wished, and when they had departed, the master made his escape to some other place. Again, another slave likewise changed his entire dress with his master and entered a covered litter himself, making his master one of the carriers , and so, when they were overtaken, he was killed without being even looked at, while the master was spared as being a porter.

These, perhaps, are instances of favours repaid by these slaves to their indulgent masters in recognition of some kindness previously received. Again, Marcus Terentius Varro was a man who had given no offence, but Ins name was identical with that of one of the proscribed , 1 except for the agnomen, and he was afraid that he might because of this suffer a fate 1 The Varro 'who was proscribed was the celebrated anti- quary and satirist ; the identity of the tribune is uncertain, though perhaps he was the one whose brave death after Philippi is recorded by Velleius n Steph , re LM.

So it is that many come out safe from the most desperate situa- tions, while just as many who feel no fear lose their lives. Hence one should neither be so alarmed in the face of the calamities of the moment as to lose all hope, nor be so earned away by his immediate elation as to be reckless, but, by placing his ex- pectation of the future midway between the two, should make reliable calculations for either event. The error is doubtless due to Dio or some Greek scribe.

He had occupied Sicily, and then, when the order of proscription was passed against him, too, and all the other murders were taking place, he proved of the greatest assistance to those who were in like condition For, anchoring near the coast of Italy, he kept sending to Rome and to the other cities, offering among other things to those who saved anybody double the reward that had been proposed for those who should murder them, and promising to the men themselves a refuge, assistance, money, and honours.

Therefore a considerable number came to him. As to the exact number, now, either of those who were pro- scribed or slaughtered or of those who escaped, I refrain even at the present time from recording it, because many names originally inscribed on the tablets were erased and many were later inscribed in their place, and of these not a few were saved and many perished who were not on the lists. And it was not permitted m any case even to mourn for the victims, and many lost their lives on this account also.

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And finally, when the calamities broke down all their assumed calm and no one even of the most stout-hearted could longer bear up against them, but m all their work and conversation their countenances were gloomy and they had no thought of celebrating the new-year festival, as was their wont, they were ordered by a proclamation to be of good cheer, on pain of death if they should disobey.

So they were forced to rejoice over their common evils as over blessings. Yet why do I men- tion such a thing, when they voted to those men B. So much for the murders; but many strange proceedings took place also m connection with the property of persons left alive. And to carry out this promise they appointed special commissioners to divide the lands among them and to establish them m colonies.

As regards the consulship, when Caesar resigned the office, — thus giving up willingly the position he had so eagerly desired that he had even made war to gain it, — and when his colleague 1 died, they ap- pointed Publius Ventidius, although he was praetor at the time, and another man 2 ; and to the praetor- ship vacated by Ventidius they promoted one of the aediles Afterwards they relieved all the praetors, who still had five days to hold office, and sent them to be governors of the provinces, and installed otheis in their places.

Some laws they abolished entirely and m others inserted new provisions ; and, m brief, they ordered everything else just as seemed good to them. They did not, to be sure, lay claim to titles whjch were offensive and had therefore been done away with, but they managed matters accord- ing to their own wish and desire, so that Caesar s sovereignty by comparison appeared all gold That year, besides doing these things, they voted a temple to Serapis and Isis.

And when Marcus b. For the triumvirs found themselves in need of more money, inasmuch as they already owed 1 Q. Pedius ; cf. Museo de Arte Colonial Esculturas de la Colonia. Exhibition Catalog, 14 de agosto - 14 noviembre Los Dominicos y el Arte Colonial en Tunja. Tunja, Museo de Arte Religioso Colonial.

Museo Nacional de San Carlos, noviembre - marzo May - Museo de Palencia. Second Edition Corrected. Museum of Biblical Art Scripture for the Eyes. New York, Museum of Biblical Art. Volumen IV. Quito, Dinediciones. Volumen 3. Quito, Trama Ediciones. The Cuzco Circle. Gloria in Excelsis. November 12, - February 10, Mexico: Splendors of Thirty Centuries.

New York, Americas Society. Peter Paul Rubens: The Drawings. Osaka, Zenkoku Shoboo. Okada, Hiroshige "'Golden Compasses' on the shores of Lake Titicaca: The appropriation of European visual culture and the patronage of art by an indigenous cacique in the Colonial Andes". Tesis para obtener el grado de Maestro en Historia. Orso, Steven N.

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Ortiz Batallas, Sylvia Desde el silencio de la clausura. Quito, Instituto Metropolitano de Patrimonio. In Kennedy, Alexandra Ed. Quito, Editorial Nerea. Homenaje al P. Francisco de Borja Medina Rojas, S. Page, Carlos A. Bilbao, Bilbao Bizkaia Kutxa. Madrid, Ediciones El Viso. Gazette des Beaux Arts 6 48 : Proyecto Puebla-Taxcala Puebla Palmer, Gabrielle Sculpture in the Kingdom of Quito.

Madrid, Alianza Editorial. A reprint of thre edition. March 19 — May 1, The Arts in Latin America: Organized by Joseph J. Rishel with Suzanne Stratton-Pruitt. Philadelphia Museum of Art, September December 31, New York, Oxfor University Press. Denver, Denver Art Museum. Trans-Pacific Artistic and Cultural Exchange. Pizzi, Laura et al. Abella, Raquel et al. Quito, unidentified publisher.

El Monasterio de Arequipa. Ramos Medina, Manuel et al. Volumes Paris, Presses Universitaires de France. Reyes-Valerio, Constantino El pintor de conventos. Rivero Borrell M. Williams, Jerry M. Early images of the Americas: Transfer and invention. Tucson, University of Arizona Press, pp. In Alcorn Baron, Sabrina et al. Amherst, University of Massachusetts Press. Ars Longa 5: IV Jornadas de Estudios e Investigaciones. Goya: Revista de Arte Madrid Vida y Obra de Juan Tinoco. Puebla, Gobierno del Estado de Puebla.

Roma, Villa della Farnesina alla Lungara. De Luca Editore. Rooses, Max Titels en portretten gesneden naar P. Rubens voor de Plantijnsche drukkerij. Antwerp, Museum Plantin-Moretus. Ruiz Gomar, Rogelio et al. Russo, Alessandra Russo, Alessandra et al. Images take flight. Feather art in Mexico and Europe Munich, Hirmer Verlag GmbH. Salvat Editores Historia del Arte Colombiano. Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes de Chile. Noviembre Arte y Fe en Chile Virreinal. Santiago de Chile: Instituto Cultural de las Condes. Chile Mestizo.

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Tesoros Coloniales. Sauvy, Anne Le Miroir du Coeur. Schemmel, Bernhard et al. Wiesbaden, Otto Harrasowitz Verlag. Schiller, Gertrud Ikonographie der christlichen Kunst. Band Schneevogt, C. Volumes XLIV and following. Lima, Historia y Cultura — Cali, Producciones Latinoamericanas. Revista de Arte Sevillano Sevilla 2: Madrid, Ediciones Encuentro. Seldes, Alicia et al. Volume Philips Galle. Sigaut, Nelly et al. Sigaut, Nelly "El obispo y sus retratos. Siracusano, Gabriela El Poder de los Colores. Soria, Martin S. The Art Bulletin Sale Catalog, May , Lisbon, Museo de Arte Antiga, pp. The Virgin, Saints and Angels.

South American Paintings — from the Thoma Collection. Exhibition Catalogue by Suzanne Stratton-Pruitt. The Iris and B. Stanford, California, September 20—December 31, Revista Peruana de Cultura 4: 5— Stastny, Francisco "Grabados inspiran pinturas de Cuzco y Ayacucho. Stols, Alexandre A. Quito, Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana.

Anvers, Fonds Mercator. Philadelphia, Saint Joseph's University Press. Stratton-Pruitt, Suzanne Ed. Philadelphia, Philadelphia Museum of Art. New York, Abaris Books Inc. Sullivan, Edward, J. New York, The Salomon R. Guggenheim Foundation. Oil sketches by Peter Paul Rubens. Universitas Salvador, Bahia 0 25 : ??. Lisboa, Imprenta Nacional - Casa da Moeda.

Tiffany, Tanya J. Madrid, Ediciones de la Biblioteca Nacional. Torres Olleta, M. Kassel, Reichenberger. Norba-Arte 8: Trens, Manuel Maria. Madrid, Plus-Ultra. Trusted, Marjorie "Propaganda and luxury: Small-scale baroque sculptures in Viceregal America and the Philippines". Papers from the Mayer Symposium at the Denver Museum. Miami, Trade Litho. Urruela V. Arte e historia. Ciudad de Guatemala, Banco Industrial. Rio de Janeiro, Bloch Editores. Barroco Iberoamericano: Identidades Culturales de un Imperio. Santiago de Compostela: Andavira Ediciones, , pp.

Simiolus Amsterdam Vargas O. Quito, Editorial Santo Domingo. Third edition. Volume II. Volume IV. Volume I. Vargas Lugo, Elisa et al. Tesis Doctoral, Universidad Pablo de Olavide. Villegas de Aneiva, Teresa "Las sibilas y las virtudes teologales en la pintura virreinal boliviana". Volumen 4: Colecciones de la Ceja. In Philadelphia , Al practiceon freuds observations on transferencelove. Der aufzug german edition. Ttrature franaise french editioncargo la religion des humilis d. Attracting the woman of your dreams secrets series. S on the money you borrowpolicy analysis for social workers social work in the new cent.

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