JOHN (Cretan Saga Book 12)

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Book 5 of Saffron by Beryl Darby 16 Jun. Book 6 of Nicola by Beryl Darby 8 Dec. Book 7 of Manolis by Beryl Darby 10 Dec. Book 8 of What comes after the crucifixion? Well, you could get a great special effects epic out of The Book of Revelation. What about the Book of Mormon? That moves the prophet saga onto a new century. Maybe, they should just ignore the source material altogether and stage another showdown between the devil and blood-covered Jesus.

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It seems that Wallace and Gibson intend to treat the resurrection. See also the collection of references in Kourou and Grammatikaki , n. Specialised bibliography is cited below. Afrati 6. Gavalomouri Khania Lappa Prinias 2. Amniso s 7. Gortyn Kno ssos Pal aikast ro Psych ro Cav e 3. Axos 8. Ida ean Ca ve Kom mos Panta nassa Rhytion 4. Dreros 9.

Inatos Cave Kounavoi Phaistos Syme 5. Eleuth erna Kavou si Kourt es Praesos Vroka stro Figure On these grounds it has been assumed that what was actually discovered in Knossos was a group of Linear B tablets Forsdyke 42, —5. His military prowess, which is highly praised,8 as well as his political skills Il. For their role in the preparation of the pyre of Patroclus and the related saga see Stampolidis —2.

Nevertheless, Aristotle argues that the emergence of the authority of the Cretan kosmoi followed the abolition of king- ship Politics, a9— Most scholars attribute this change in settlement patterns to uneasiness caused by some threat from the sea, including the arrival of people from mainland Greece12 and perhaps some population decline , while others picture a more peaceful process, emphasise that similar sites existed throughout the Minoan period and elaborate on the social and economic agents that stimulated the change Rehak and Younger —8; Haggis ; Wallace ; Borgna In any case, the hilltops with no easy access to arable land were abandoned in the course of LM IIIC, in favour of more convenient sites at a lower altitude Nowicki —4, —9 , and the ensuing Early Iron Age witnessed no serious pattern of disruption.

The account, the historicity of which is challenged Osborne, Making: 11—12 , is discussed in Stampolidis forth- coming. Important later contributions include: Kanta ; Nowicki Whitley —7 has argued that the Knossian grave introduces a new conception of masculinity that emphasises the status of a man as a warrior these comments readily apply to the Pantanassa grave. It demonstrates that the ability of the individuals buried in Knossos and Pantanassa to accumulate and destroy wealth, as well as their special status that was mostly — but not solely — expressed through ideological claims focusing on warfare,16 was combined with a taste for products deriving from the East.

These contacts were largely mirrored by the Cypriot enterprises that involved exports of Black on Red to the Syro-Palestinian coast. The Pantanassa tomb discussed below and a recently discovered tomb at Palaepaphos-Plakes tomb Raptou —8 provide fresh evidence for this connection, as well as for the links between Crete and Cyprus besides, Catling had already noted the links between some items found in the Knossian tomb and others at the cemetery of Palaepaphos- Skales.

For warrior tombs see also the contribution by Deger-Jalkotzy in this volume.

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Although there were connections between Cyprus and Phoenicia already in the eleventh century Bikai , it is unclear whether Cypriots or Phoenicians ini- tiated them. The account is arranged according to classes of materials. Also: Johnston —1; Johnston , no.

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A wider repertory of fewer Phoenician vessels occurs, however, at this site during the late ninth to early eighth centuries Bikai —8; Johnston , no. Furthermore, a small number of Phoenician vases dating to the end of the ninth and mostly the eighth 19 Problems pertinent to this publication are discussed in: Johnston ; Sherratt Shaw and M. The distribution26 of Phoenician vases within the island suggests that its eastern part,27 the one that lies close to the Syro- Palestinian coast, has not produced a single vase.

Note, however, the occurrence of a Phoenician letter on an amphora from Gavalomouri: Stampolidis a: —19; Stampolidis and Karetsou , no. On the con- nections between Crete and Cyprus see note 2 above and note 36 below. The reference cited by Marinatos should have been to Stampolidis a not , where, however, Stampolidis provides a general discussion and does not directly involve the Samians in the distribution of these objects within Crete, at least before the later part of the seventh century.

Since then, some imported ivory pieces from the Knossos North Cemetery mostly tombs and Evely and a single item from Amnissos have appeared Stampolidis and Karetsou —2, no. Add an Egyptian blue scarab mentioned in Banou Add: Stampolidis and Karetsou , no. Shaw —9, ; Skon-Jedele and Dabney For general discussions see Stampolidis a: —4; Stampolidis a: 70—5. Shaw — A collective study of these artefacts and their appeal to Cretan reli- gious beliefs would no doubt provide important insights. One of the earliest bronze vessels suggesting a link with the Syro-Palestinian coast is a bowl of Cypriot type that comes from a Knossian tomb, which dates to the late tenth to early ninth century, and carries a Phoenician, formulaic inscrip- tion of ownership Figure The class is represented in a few Aegean sites, including Knossos and the Idaean Cave.