Internationale Arbeitsstandards in einer globalisierten Welt (German Edition)

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Ronald Lister, Klemens Veth, Axel Schulz, Josef Auer, Die Schifffahrt Anhand von sozialen Konflikten in der Hafenwirtschaft und Handelsschiffahrt lassen sich die Auswirkungen der Globalisierung sehr anschaulich verdeutlichen. Die Schiffe fuhren bis vor kurzem unter den Billigflaggen des pazifischen Inselstaates Palau, der Komoren vor Afrika oder des westafrikanischen Landes Liberia. Jetzt treibt sogar ein deutscher Anwalt Handel mit Billig-Flaggen. Das Fahren unter falscher Fahne. Und immer geht es dabei um die Rechtsbindung an einen Staat, der mehr erlaubt, als Billigflaggen in der Schifffahrt: Umso schlechter das Flaggen-Image Sozialstandards sowie Sicherheits- und Umweltvorschriften sind seit Billigflagge [online].

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As I said earlier, these are challenging times, on several fronts, and most of your comments confirm this: that we are living through challenging times, especially on account of still high geo-political and political uncertainty. I therefore look forward to a strong message of confidence and reassurance by G7 leaders as well as to their guidance. We need to preserve the spirit of cooperation in the G7 and also to continue to provide multilateral answers to the challenges we face.

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This also means maintaining and building on the achievements of the past and not giving in to protectionism and isolation. Finally, I believe that it is through cooperation and working together that we can aspire to tackle the issues that are of concern for our citizens and our respective countries. Most of them were very supportive of our agenda. The next G7 meeting should, first and foremost, be about revitalising multilateralism.

We have not lost it completely yet, but we have seen some tendencies, at least in rhetoric, to move away from multilateralism, and this is a very dangerous direction. That is why our agenda is so strongly linked to strengthening multilateralism. Many Members mentioned that implementation of COP 21 should be one of the priorities, and we fully agree. This agreement has already been agreed and now it is a matter of implementation. A bigger global challenge than climate change could not be imagined, and that is why we need a real commitment from the leaders to implement it.

Finally, there is a whole range of issues, like the fight against terrorism or tax evasion, which must be addressed in global fora, but I hope that our leaders will send a strong message in favour of rules-based trade, because that is the way to govern globalisation.

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It is the way to harness and shape globalisation. Without rules-based trade we cannot include important values like environmental or social values in trade. This is the way in which we can enhance economic growth in a sustainable manner and make sure that our economic growth is translated to job creation too. Looking from this perspective, it could be argued that this summit will determine the international order in the upcoming years.

Therefore, I urge the EU to pursue seriously its interests during the summit. I will emphasise economic development as a top priority interest for the EU. The EU also should push for peace solutions for the ongoing conflicts in its neighbourhood namely in Syria, Libya and Ukraine. Last but not least, the EU should discuss with other states from G7 its future relationship with Britain after Brexit.

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Votre nomination est historique. Moussa Faki Mahamat. I have been a parliamentarian in my own country for 23 years, and during three I was with your neighbours in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. So allow me to say, dear colleagues: the United Nations was created after the Second World War exactly because the world wanted to avoid another tragedy of the same dimension. But I believe this was exactly the main motivation for the creation of the European Communities — with one very important difference: the European Communities and the European Union are clearly the most successful project of peace sustainability in the world since the beginning of history.

And that is why I want to express here my very deep gratitude and appreciation for the strong commitment of the European Union and all its bodies to multilateralism, and for the very generous and extremely important contribution you give in development cooperation, in humanitarian aid, and also in the key central aspects of peace and security that are the core of the United Nations action. You see the European Union involved around Libya.

We see the European Union in both financial support and training in situations from the Central African Republic or Mali, and we look forward to the support of the European Union for the initiative of the neighbours of Mali, the G5 Sahel. European contribution is today an absolutely essential part of what is necessary to make the UN effective, and I want to express my deep gratitude for that. Dear colleagues, it would be possible to come here and make the case that the world has never been better. It is obvious that globalisation and technological progress have in the last decades created the conditions for an enormous increase in global wealth, for a meaningful improvement in the leading conditions of the majority of the population, even for a very strong reduction of the number of absolute poor — probably the Chinese contribution being essential for that.

And some might even say, looking for instance at the number of soldiers killed in the battlefield, that this is the most peaceful period in human history. Now these indicators might be true, but they are far from revealing the whole truth, and I think it is important for us to recognise that we are facing a number of unprecedented challenges that require the EU and the UN to work together. Allow me to mention briefly four of them. First, conflicts. We are seeing a multiplication of new conflicts in the last few years, and old conflicts seem never to die, be it in Afghanistan, Somalia or the Democratic Republic of Congo.

But the truth is that, not only do we have a multiplication of conflicts, but they change in nature. We practically no longer have wars between countries, even if there are some threats looming on the horizon, but most of the conflicts are internal — many of them linked to fragilities in the countries, but being internal, they quickly have a regional dimension and sometimes even a global dimension.

At the same time, they tend to be asymmetric, more and more complex, more and more interlinked, and more linked with the new threat of global terrorism in the world. If one looks at the situation from Nigeria to Mali, to Libya, to Somalia, to Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Afghanistan — all these conflicts are becoming more and more interlinked. You see fighters going from one to another and then some of them going back to their countries of origin and potentially becoming threats to the security of those countries of origin, and we see these conflicts becoming more and more interlinked.

They are indeed today a very relevant threat to our global security, wherever we live. At the same time, it is clear that power relations in the world became less obvious, and with power relations less obvious, it seems that there is no respect, and impunity and unpredictability became the name of the game. In this context, when one looks at the present trends of conflict, it is absolutely essential to create the conditions to reverse these trends, and for that it is clear we need to strengthen multilateral capacity to address conflicts, to solve conflicts and to prevent and sustain peace.

And this is an area where the European cooperation with the United Nations is absolutely crucial. We need to strengthen our own capacity to solve many of the conflicts around the world. But that forces us to look into their nature.

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Look at Syria. These conflicts are conflicts where nobody is winning: everybody is losing. And not only is everybody is losing from the point of view of the citizens of the country — the enormous suffering of the Syrian people — but we see the impact on the destabilisation of the region. And with Syria, we see Syria clearly as one of the feeding factors of global terrorism. Now, the point is that we need to create the conditions to make those that are parties to the conflict, but especially those that have an influence on the parties to the conflict, to understand that, indeed, these are conflicts where nobody is winning, everybody is losing, and in which the contradictions of interest that might interest are much smaller than the absolute need to put an end to this nonsense and to eliminate these terrible threats for our own global security.

And there, as I said, we need to strengthen the capacity of the United Nations, both in conflict resolution — in preventing conflict — and sustaining peace, our new most important priority. But we will never be able to do it without a very strong support and commitment from the European Union. A strong and united Europe is an absolutely fundamental pillar of a strong and effective United Nations, and this is a very clear message I would like to address to you all.

But in these conflicts we also see horrible violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law, and that is why I would like to mention the second challenge, and it relates to the fact that we see the human rights agenda losing ground to the national sovereignty agenda. That should not make sense. National sovereignty is a central pillar of the United Nations Charter, and indeed national sovereignty is reinforced when countries and governments are able to protect their citizens and to preserve human rights in their territories.

But unfortunately we have seen national sovereignty many times being invoked to justify the lack of capacity of the international community to address the terrible human rights violation challenges that we see in several parts of the world. It is my belief that we need to mobilise a broader coalition for human rights, and the broader coalition must be able to understand that we only stress national sovereignty by strongly promoting and protecting human rights all over the world.

But for that coalition to be effective, I think we need two conditions. First, we need to have a comprehensive view of human rights — civil and political rights, but also economic, social and cultural rights. And second, it is important not to be biased. It is important not to have double standards or even agendas. I think it is absolutely crucial to understand that human rights are a value in themselves and they should not be used at the service of other political projects.

To be very frank, if we want to champion human rights, we need to have moral authority. The recent migration and refugee crisis in the world has undermined to a certain extent the moral authority of several countries around the world to champion human rights in an effective way. This is why I want to say how important it is from my perspective, the strong commitment of the European Union together with us in making sure that we are able to re-establish the international protection regime for refugees in line with international law, and to have Europe strongly engaged in a positive and constructive dialogue in the preparation of the global compact for safe, orderly and regular migration that I hope will be approved by the General Assembly of the United Nations in In relation to this I would like to make a few comments.

First, it is essential that development cooperation policies are linked to our concerns about human mobility. It is essential that development cooperation policies are built in a way that allows for people to have the choice to remain in their countries, to have opportunities to be able to build their lives with dignity in their own countries — for migration to be out of choice, not out of necessity.

But third, I also think it is very important to create more opportunities for legal migration and more effective cooperation between countries of origin, countries of transit and countries of destination. I think that the European Union must be at the centre of this dialogue, and your role can be extremely positive to find the necessary consensus to make the Migration Compact a success. In this context it is important to recognise that climate change is the main accelerator of these factors, and, since climate change is the main accelerator of these factors, it is absolutely essential that the world implements the Paris Agreement and implements it with an increased ambition.

If any government doubts these objectives, that is a reason for all others to come together and make sure that we stay the course in relation to the implementation of the Paris Agreement and that we build a broader coalition with civil society, with the business community, with the cities, with the regions, in order to be able to make sure that our ambitions are met and that we are able to tame climate change to the benefit of our present situation, but also to the benefit of our children and grandchildren. In relation to this, it is also important to understand that it is not only the right thing to do; this is the smart thing to do, as green business is becoming more and more recognised as good business.

Those countries that will not bet on the green economy will inevitably lag behind in development in the years to come. So it is the right thing to do, it is the smart thing to do, and we count on Europe to lead these efforts at global level. But indeed, one of the key impacts of climate change is the acceleration of displacement, which is very much linked to the problems of migration and refugees that I mentioned, and this brings me to a fourth challenge. Globalisation has had an enormous positive impact, as I mentioned — together with technological development — in relation to wealth, living conditions, the reduction of poverty, as I said in the beginning of my intervention.

But globalisation left a lot of people behind, and we see that in the rust belts of this world.

Synonyms and antonyms of Billigflagge in the German dictionary of synonyms

We see that in massive youth unemployment in different parts of the world — even a little bit in Europe, to a certain extent compared with other areas — but very clearly in North Africa and the Middle East, which represents a tragedy for young people, a very strong limitation for the development of the countries, but more and more, a meaningful threat for our global security, as youth without employment, without jobs, without opportunities, is becoming, in some areas of the world, one of the key areas of recruitment of terrorist groups and one of the factors that facilitate the propaganda of extremist organisations.

In this context, we need to recognise that globalisation and technological progress also have dramatically increased inequalities at global level and at country level. Eight persons in the world have today as much wealth as half of the world population. All these factors have contributed to undermine the trust between peoples and the political establishments at national level, but also the trust between peoples and international organisations like the UN and the trust in global solutions for our global problems.

That is the reason why I am strongly engaged in the reform of the UN, to be able to make the UN more effective, more cost effective, but more than anything else, to make the UN closer to the aspirations, the needs and the perspectives of the peoples we are supposed to serve. That means, for us, the reform of the UN development system, to make it much more effective in supporting Member States in the implementation of the Agenda that we hope, as an agenda for sustainable development, can bring a very important contribution to re-establish the trust between peoples and the international systems based on making sure that no one is left behind, making sure that we have a more fair globalisation.

At the same time, it means the reform of our peace strategy, operational set-ups and architecture in order to make us more able to face the challenges of today, namely of peacekeeping. We have more and more peacekeeping operations where peace is elusive and where peacekeepers see themselves in the middle of a conflict, with extreme difficulties to protect the people they are supposed to protect. This requires a strategic analysis and new partnerships, namely with the African Union, with several African regional organisations, but very central cooperation with the European Union in this regard, and reform of our own internal management system.

Some of the rules and regulations that have been accumulated over decades in the UN seem to be created to make sure that we are not able to act effectively, and we need to make sure that we create the trust between Member States, namely Western countries and the G77, to understand that there is a win-win solution, making the UN more flexible, but at the same time with decentralisation, simplification of procedures, more freedom of movement of the secretariat, more transparency and more accountability to make sure that there is full responsibility for anything we do.

Reform is essential at the level of the United Nations. I think reform is essential at the level of all international organisations, as is the understanding that we need to rebuild that trust, both at country level and at global level. All our societies are becoming multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious. In my opinion this is a good thing, and I believe diversity is a richness, not a threat. But it would be naive to think For diversity to be a success, we need a massive investment — a political, social, cultural investment by governments, by local authorities, by civil societies — in the social cohesion and inclusivity of our societies, to make sure that people understand that their identities are respected, but at the same time that they belong to the community as a whole, with all its rights and obligations.

Angela Merkel, Chancellor of Germany addresses the International Labour Conference

And at the same time, we need at global level to understand that diversity will not be automatically a source of peace and understanding; that we also need a massive investment, an investment in international cooperation, to bring people together, to make people know each other, respect each other, cooperate with each other, and to do it in a way in which it is possible to have everybody working together to face the global challenges that are in front of us and that no country can solve in an isolated way.

We are proud to be at the centre of the debate as the European Parliament in defence of human rights and of the minorities in the world. We are ready for strong cooperation with you, with your organisation. Thank you very much. Abstimmungsergebnisse und sonstige Einzelheiten der Abstimmung: siehe Protokoll. Krisztina Morvai NI. Daniel Hannan ECR. Or rather, which states and territories have the wealthiest people? Of the countries with the highest GDP per head, the top 10, there is only one large state — the United States of America.

Because it has pulled off the trick of administering itself like a confederation of tiny statehoods. As Aristotle observed, to the size of a state there is a limit, just as to implements, animals and plants, for they cannot retain their natural facility when they are too large. In there were 76 independent countries; today, there are The tide is flowing the other way.

The European Parliament is the only European institution with Members democratically and directly elected. I have the honour of representing Slovak constituents. They expect that the EU will help them with issues where the EU can work better than they can alone. However, they do not welcome interference and intrusion into areas outside EU competence or where these actions are unhelpful or ideologically opposed.

Unfortunately, that is what is happening in this House on a regular basis. I would like to call upon all Members of this House to respect existing principles. Taking competencies and responsibilities from the people will have a negative effect on trust in the European project. There are obviously one or two duds, but also a lot of people who have brought real experience to the table.

London has become, arguably, the world capital of the FinTech sector. What did the government have to do with that? It simply stood back and created a climate where the laws were enforced and where regulations were friendly. That is all you need to do. I promise you that there are a million guys out there who are much more interested and involved than anyone in this Chamber.

It is not going to be our business once we leave, but if you really want technology of this kind to flourish in the remaining European Union, the best thing you can do is to stand back and let them get on with it. New financial technologies are a source of great financial opportunities for the EU and its citizens, although to enjoy benefits without paying additional costs we need the right legislative framework in place.

I voted in favour of this report as I see very significant benefits of FinTech, such as cost reduction, efficiency gains and enhanced transparency when it comes to investment and cross—border financial flows. Moreover, we need to see financial technologies as a tool for the EU to develop a digital single market and remain competitive at the global scale. However, I share the cautiousness of the rapporteur that there are still many grey areas with new financial technologies, and thus, while working on the competitiveness of the European economy, we also need to think about ensuring consumer protection, cyber security and the stability of the EU financial system.

Marek Jurek ECR. Jan Zahradil ECR. A few years ago, Parliament and the Council adopted a recommendation on the establishment of a European qualifications framework for life—long learning, with the aim of improving the transparency and comparability of qualifications in Europe. We also have to focus on issues around immigration.

The establishment of the European Qualifications Framework for Lifelong Learning with the aim of improving the transparency, comparability and transferability of qualifications in Europe, was an important and essential step forward in achieving this objective. Unfortunately, the implementation of the current framework has not taken effect. At each stage of the recognition process different types of obstacles still persist. We are witnessing slow implementation with weak coherence in Member States, variability and weak coordination across Europe, weak engagement of social partners and civil society, and a lack of clarity regarding the recording of skills outside formal education.

Furthermore, the challenges that education and training systems face as a result of a high level of migration to Europe should be addressed at both European and national level. Die Sitzung wird um Ich weise die Mitglieder darauf hin, dass es bei dieser Aussprache kein Catch-the-eye- Verfahren gibt und dass keine blauen Karten angenommen werden.

Joachim Starbatty, Verfasser. Warum machen wir das? Draghi ist in der Eurozone der wichtigste Mann. Wem ist er Rechenschaft schuldig? Und womit wehrt er diese Angriffe ab? Er sagt: Ich muss die Sparer enteignen, damit ihre Einlagensysteme sicher sind. Wir wissen aber, dass eine Nullzinspolitik und die negativen Zinsen die Banken und auch die Unternehmen ins Risiko treiben. Aber nicht genug! Er hat auch den massenhaften Ankauf von Staatspapieren beschlossen und durchgesetzt.

Er kann vor allen Dingen nicht mit seiner Billiggeldpolitik die Schwierigkeiten der Eurozone herausbringen. Die Schwierigkeiten liegen darin, dass wir einen falschen Wechselkurs haben. Was ist die Konsequenz? Die Exporte Deutschlands werden subventioniert, und die Exporte aus den Schuldnerstaaten werden besteuert.

Was ist die Aufgabe des Parlaments? Was macht dieses Parlament? Dieses Parlament macht vor der Wirklichkeit die Augen zu.

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  • Dieses Parlament will nicht sehen, dass diese Politik dem Wohl der Menschen entgegengesetzt ist. Deswegen fordere ich das Parlament auf, die Augen zuzumachen und sich mit Menschen As we all know, the Treaty has bestowed independence upon the European Central Bank to conduct its monetary policy and to pursue its primary objective of maintaining price stability in the euro area as a whole. International experience has indeed shown that monetary policy tends to be more effective in supporting a stable price level when it is shielded from short-term political influence.

    The Presidency believes that the accountability of the European Central Bank for its monetary policy is commensurate with its independence and can be inferred from the Treaty. In this context, the Presidency sees no reason to question whether the ECB adheres to the accountability obligations towards the EU legislators.

    Similarly the Presidency does not have grounds to doubt that the ECB acts within its mandate. Against this background, the Council has not debated the subject of the powers and control of the European Central Bank and the issue does not feature on any upcoming Council agendas. However, I am grateful for your invitation to attend and I look forward to hearing your views — or more views — during this debate.

    Andrus Ansip, Vice-President of the Commission. On behalf of the Commission, I would like to limit myself to a very few remarks on this matter. The ECB and the national central banks are independent when exercising the powers and carrying out the tasks and duties conferred upon them by the Treaty. The principle of central bank independence is enshrined in the Treaty itself.

    It is put there to protect the ECB and the national central banks in pursuing their primary mandate of fulfilling their price stability objective and thus creating the foundation for a healthy and stable European economy. Independence and accountability are of course intertwined. The ECB presents to Parliament an annual report on its activities and you hold a general debate on that basis. The quarterly monetary dialogues you organise with the ECB President provide a further forum for in—depth discussion.

    I understand you have regularly made use of this possibility over the past year. We welcome the constructive engagement that has developed between the European Parliament and the ECB over the past years. The role of the ECB within the new post-crisis supervision and architecture is absolutely crucial: crucial to prevent financial shocks in the future; crucial to secure the confidence of citizens.

    The decisions taken by the ECB, from quantitative easing to the various programmes of support are working. Growth has returned. Three million jobs have been created in the eurozone in the last year. The crisis came from light touch supervision. We are not going back to that. That is why we need a strong independent ECB, but that independence must also deliver accountability and transparency, and it is at that level that the ECB has much to do.

    It is time that engagement took place at all levels across eurozone countries. We cannot have an inside or outside track. All Member States must be treated fairly.

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    Appearing before some parliaments and not others sends out the wrong impression. The euro is our currency. We must defend it.

    Weltordnung im Umbruch

    The ECB is our central bank. It must treat all Member States with respect, and that is where the change needs to happen. A broad majority of this House supports the ECB, its independence and its policies because the ECB is the main pillar of EMU and has been a fundamental anchor of its stability and integrity.

    That such a great responsibility would fall on the shoulders of the ECB was unavoidable, taking into account the peculiar construction of EMU, with the explosive components of monetary policy, coordination competence on economic policy, and a small budget for the single market but not for the single currency. With the soaring debt crisis these responsibilities have been successfully honoured in full compliance with the task and the powers conferred by the Treaties and the Protocol in order to achieve the primary objective of maintaining price stability and to support the general economic policies of the Union, which of course include the integrity of the EMU.

    The Treaties are crystal clear. In order to achieve its objectives, the ECB and national central banks can conduct open market and credit operations. In the post-crisis phase of low growth and low interest rates, and with the additional negative impact of financial fragmentation on proper monetary policy transmission, other unconventional policy tools have proven to be necessary to meet the inflation objective. I do not need to recall them, but is important to underline that, without quantitative easing QE , Europe would have fallen into deflation.

    QE has been — and is — an economic success and for all stakeholders the potential negative side effects have clearly been outpaced by the positive ones. Moreover, economic data clearly show that the necessary sustained adjustment in the path of inflation has not yet materialised.

    Enhanced non-standard monetary policy measures are to continue until that time. The ECB is, and has to be, fully independent. As far as the SSM is concerned, a stronger accountability framework is appropriate and we are in line with our interinstitutional agreement to fulfil our democratic role. It is evident that the current EMU construction, while it is not unsustainable, is sub-optimal and we need to complete it. We cannot rely only on common monetary policy and national fiscal and economic policies. Instead of contesting the excellent job of the ECB, it would be good if political groups and Member States would contribute to providing the instruments and policies that we need in order to face our current challenges.

    Ik denk dat dat Abba zou zijn: " Money, money, money. It's so funny… " [zingt]. Er gebeuren schitterende zaken hier in de Europese Unie, schitterende zaken, maar er zijn ook veel zaken die fout gaan, die echt fout gaan. En de vraag voor ons allen is: "Hoe pakken wij die uitdagingen aan? Helaas stel ik vast dat het antwoord van de Unie dan al te vaak is: " Money, money, money ".

    We gooien er gewoon een dikke zak geld tegenaan en onze problemen zullen automatisch wel worden opgelost. Ook Mario Draghi lijkt een fan te zijn van Abba. Is dit goed voor de groei? Ja, op korte termijn wel. We zullen vandaag iets kopen wat we anders morgen zouden hebben gekocht. Omdat sparen toch niets opbrengt, geven we ons geld gewoon uit.

    Maar iedereen voelt aan dat dit groei op de pof is, dat dat geen duurzame groei is, dat die monetaire hocus pocus ooit wel eens zal moeten stoppen. En dat is niet het enige neveneffect van dit beleid. Er zijn er nog meer. De koopkracht van de mensen neemt af. Spaargeld brengt niets meer op. Pensioenen komen in gevaar. De ongelijkheid neemt toe, tussen de middenklasse en de mensen die echt rijk zijn, en zeker tussen mensen die arm zijn en rijk zijn.

    Je ziet toch zo dat dat geen duurzaam beleid is. En dat verbaast mij toch zeer sterk, hoe alle traditionele politieke partijen in dit parlement toch dit beleid verdedigen. Wij praten hier zeer veel over fiscale eerlijkheid, over rechtvaardigheid. Hoe in godsnaam kan je dat verdedigen en tegelijkertijd het beleid van de Europese Centrale Bank verdedigen waarbij de ongelijkheid toeneemt? Daar kan ik echt niet bij. Ik denk dat wij, als parlementsleden, als politici beter een andere soundtrack, een ander liedje zouden kiezen, dat we beter niet zouden luisteren naar Abba, maar dat we beter zouden luisteren naar de Beatles, dat we beter niet zouden luisteren naar " Money, money, money " maar wel naar " Money can't buy me love ".

    Ik zal dat niet zingen, dat is voor de volgende keer, maar ik denk echt dat dat het antwoord is. Liefde voor de Europese Unie zullen wij niet kopen met een zak geld. Zo zullen we het niet doen. Wat moeten we wel doen? De harde weg. Niet de shortcuts nemen, maar doen wat nodig is. En daar, ook daar, is het beleid van de Europese Centrale Bank nefast, want het ondergraaft net die noodzaak om te hervormen. Wat mij meest van al echter ergert, is het feit dat de Europese Centrale Bank daarover niet transparant genoeg is — het is ook al aangehaald door de collega.

    Daar ligt enorm veel werk op de plank. Dat is ook de reden dat wij zelf een internetplatform opgezet hebben: "leefgeld. U bent daarop alvast zeer hartelijk uitgenodigd. You know from your own experiences with Windows that open-source operating systems OSs do not always run very smoothly. Though if it was a Linux created by a young Finn with the nice surname Torvalds, it would probably be a totally different matter.

    Sometimes with a bad operating system, we have to run it in safe mode, and that is actually what the European Central Bank has been doing for the last few years. But my dear friend Loones is actually picking up the wrong music: ABBA is not qualitatively high music, it is dancing music for those who like it. With a forthcoming deal between France and Germany, we will have a time of change in the EU. That again will probably produce a turn back to interest rates. Those who are very interested in medieval politics know that in the medieval world interest rates were thought to be a sin.

    That is probably slightly the way in which the Central Bank has operated in the last few years. That puts on the agenda a new question: we need the redemption fund, because without the redemption fund those countries will be dragged down by an unsustainable state debt. When we speak about operating systems we know for sure that operating systems have bugs, and some of the bugs in the European system are actually not due to the European Central Bank. They are due to national states. Das schafft Interessenkonflikte. Sie hat etwa die Iren gezwungen, die marode Anglo Irish mit Steuergeldern rauszuhauen.

    Und deshalb ist es richtig, dass wir das hier diskutieren. Zweitens: Herrn Draghis Entscheidung, alles, aber wirklich alles zu tun, um Austritte aus der Eurozone zu verhindern, ist ein klarer Rechtsbruch, das ist verbotene Geopolitik. Sie macht die Wirtschaft zum Zombie wie in Japan, das ist verbotene Wirtschaftspolitik. Das klappt nicht, das sehen Sie ja. Nichts ist umsonst. Die EZB agiert wie eine kriminelle Vereinigung. Marco Zanni, a nome del gruppo ENF.

    La retorica che sostiene questo sistema antidemocratico da decenni si basa su un presupposto che la crisi ha smentito, quello che stampando moneta si crei inflazione. La deflazione. Bruno Gollnisch NI. There is a lot of cheap politicking, especially on this side of the Chamber, and not so much understanding or knowledge. Let me draw from my experience of working in the Central Bank for many years. First of all, central banking underwent a huge change at the end of the last century, going from secretive, non-transparent and politically influenced entities into highly professional bodies serving clear goals.

    Goals are set by the law as well as by instruments, targets and accountability principles. The establishment of the ECB, together with the creation of the euro, learned from all of this experience and benefited from best practice. That is why my view is very close to the one expressed by the Council and the Commission. But while the legislator has given the Central Bank the targets, instruments and responsibility, we should not be surprised if they use it. It was an incredibly complicated time.

    Government fiscal policy did not support a way to get economies out of the crisis and I believe that central banks have done a great job, not only the ECB, but also the others. So, instead of blaming and criticising — especially personally — some people at the ECB, we should appreciate what they did, for the way our economy has got out of the crisis, for the jobs they saved, actually improving the situation in Europe.

    Oui, la reprise reste trop faible et les divergences demeurent trop fortes au sein de la zone. Bernd Lucke ECR. Die Behauptung also, dass die Kritiker der EZB hier in einer kleinen Minderheit seien, ist nicht so ganz gerechtfertigt. Und das Problem ist, dass wir keinen Kontrollmechanismus haben.


    Das kann kein Zustand sein. Ese debate ustedes ya lo han perdido, el debate legal. Y eso, evidentemente, entraba en el mandato. El debate sobre si las medidas del Banco Central Europeo encajan en los Tratados, ese debate ustedes ya lo han perdido. Ora, vogliamo risolvere questa questione alla radice? Possiamo trovare una soluzione? Gerolf Annemans ENF. Want veel meer dan de Europese Unie — we hebben gezien dat het Verenigd Koninkrijk zich op grond van het Verdrag daaraan heeft kunnen onttrekken, zich heeft bevrijd — veel meer dan de Europese Unie zelf, is de eurozone een gevangenis, en meer bepaald een gevangenis zonder deur, wat meneer Draghi recent nog eens heeft onderstreept door te zeggen dat nergens is voorzien dat men uit die eurozone kan weggaan.

    Er is een monsterverbond dat ons regeert. Dat is strijdig met de Europese gedachte zelf. It was a transfer union from people in the North to try and save the South, but asked for austerity programmes even more.