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According to these documents, the organization covered up thousands of cases of sexual abuse over a period of decades, protecting pederast leaders who molested and raped young boys entrusted to their care. It is fair to assume, however, that these are merely two of many manifestations of the fatal triangle of power, coercion and sexuality at work in youth organizations which historians have yet to uncover. New approaches in global history are increasingly marked by their calling attention to the complementarity of various spatial orders.
This section will show why the history of organized youth is a worthwhile subject of investigation for historians with a view to such overlapping frameworks — that is to say, where historical actors repeatedly relate their actions and activities to transregional processes, no matter if these actors mostly operate at the local level. Analytically, it is important to distinguish between two processes: the globalization of concepts and models of organized youth and the transnational mobility of organized youth. Earlier studies pointed out that prominent mass organizations such as the Soviet Komsomol and the Boy Scouts of America were internationally networked.
Their attention was usually focused, however, on the forms and speed of geographical expansion. Thinking in terms of center and periphery also held sway in the Scouting groups of that period. Relations between the Hitler Youth and the Italian Opera Nazionale Balilla have been relatively well researched, revealing the subsequent knowledge transfer between these two organizations as well as offering a vision of the future in which this Fascist Internationale was to serve as the framework for a new nationalist Europe. Recent scholarship has paid more heed to the political demonstrations and mobilization campaigns which young people used in the decades after World War II to influence Europeanization processes.
The European Youth Campaign of the s formed the spearhead of a transnational movement, which in conjunction with about youth organizations was intended to inspire adolescents to work for a unified but decidedly anticommunist Europe through participation in seminars, evening discussions, study tours and youth parliaments. This could be sidestepped in isolated cases, as shown by the example of young Catholic expellees in the Federal Republic of the s who, despite being embedded in a national framework, intensified their contacts with young Christians in the regions they came from and called for reconciliation with their East European neighbors.
Power asymmetries and centrifugal forces played an important role in disseminating certain organizational concepts.
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Newer studies, however, question the conventional dichotomy of active-exporting and passive-receiving societies, pointing to processes of creative reception and selective adaptation. Local elites seldom adopted imported structures wholesale, but adapted them to familiar religious, cultural and political norms. This was true of a range of Jewish-Zionist youth groups, in which wider social and specifically Jewish influences intermingled.
The presence of Girl Scouts, on the other hand, at international Scouting camps sometimes made Anglo-American Boy Scouts uneasy, supporting as they did the segregation of boys and girls in their organizations. These institutional models originating in Europe and North America underwent even more local adaptations in the non-Western world.
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Whereas the symbolic worlds of Western youth organizations were saturated with imperialist metaphors of reconnaissance and conquest, hybrid forms increasingly developed in Africa, South and East Asia. Originally introduced to stabilize colonial rule, organizations like the Scouts were capable of accommodating enough local characteristics to also make them attractive to anticolonial liberation movements.
Globalization not only resulted from informal transfers but was specifically laid out by organizers in the framework of transnational institutions created for this very purpose. This began with the World Scout Jamborees, which generally took place four times a year as of and by the end of World War II encompassed seventy nations and five continents.
By fashioning themselves as peace festivals and attracting a range of world leaders, the World Scout Jamborees became global media events and had a formative influence on a range of other transnational youth gatherings, including the socialist World Festival of Youth and Students and the Catholic World Youth Day. Despite all the rhetoric of brotherhood, these gestures of youth fraternization concealed specific, particularist interests. World Jamborees paired youthful idealism with reactionary forces keen on maintaining the status quo.
An open question is to what extent the first Pan-African jamborees in the s under the influence of decolonization were perceived by contemporaries as a direct challenge to the global institution of Scouting hitherto under the sway of colonial rulers. This included underscoring the moral superiority of the socialist system in tackling development-policy challenges in the global South.
Such contradictions were overarched by the discourse of youth as a revitalizing and purifying force which during the course of the twentieth century extended into the very semantics of international relations. Young people themselves had a significant stake in the articulation of utopian world orders, developing their own unique practices of international communication in the process.
The rise of young people as the avant-garde of globalization beginning in the s and gaining new momentum in the s and s was conditional on material and cultural factors. Technologization, medialization and increased mobility expanded communication networks and the possibilities of cross-border exchange. Youth with free time, financial resources and access to scholarships and grants took part in student exchange programs, traveled foreign countries, slept in youth hostels and sought contact with backpackers from other parts of the world.
Those wanting to experience true friendship between nations, claimed American Boy Scout Owen Matthews in , should steer clear of the bureaucrats in the League of Nations and go to jamboree bonfires instead, where brotherhood devoid of all cynicism and egotism was not merely preached, but practiced by young people from five continents. In reality this cult of the authentic was fractured, as shown by recent research.
Instead of leveling differences, international youth gatherings could just as easily reproduce them. A joint work camp in Algeria in the summer of with young socialist volunteers from Eastern Europe, the Middle East and China foundered on language barriers and brought international rivalries to the fore that were hardly compatible with the ideal of proletarian internationalism.
The result was anti-American slanders. Things got downright rowdy between delegates from Poland and Lithuania in the Dutch village of Vogelenzang in , where a quarrel over the border between these two countries ended in a ferocious brawl. As Kristine Alexander recently noted, it was not uncommon for Canadian and British Girl Guides and their leaders to utter disparaging comments about their Indian sisters. A paradox becomes evident here, one previously pointed out by globalization theorist Roland Robertson.
The latter played into the hands of social and state elites, who feared nothing more than the subversive potential of youth communitizing according to purely generational criteria.
The image of children and young people as carefree internationalists persisted nonetheless for long periods of the twentieth century because of the benefits it entailed. It gave young people social prestige, a public voice and opportunities for social advancement within a given system. A closer look at the historiographical literature of recent decades on the phenomenon of organized youth reveals an imbalance.
While no master narrative of the twentieth century can fail to acknowledge the millions of uniformed Hitler Youth and Komsomols, in general the topic tends to be sidelined in contemporary history debates. To put it another way, individual studies have made original contributions to the working areas of gender history, global history and the history of childhood without being rooted in these fields. Added to this is the problem of periodization, which only exacerbates this attention deficit.
Historians simply disagree about which timeframe to apply. The wave of liberalization during the s lends itself as an incisive turning point, when youth and countercultures increasingly fused and organizations with longstanding traditions such as the Boy Scouts of America lost nearly half their membership.
Yet the supposed swansong of organized youth is somewhat premature, as evidenced by the marches of rightwing youth groups and their links to nationalist movements in Europe, Russia and North America in the early twenty-first century. It is likewise clear that non-Western youth organizations, which to date have rarely been the subject of empirical studies, follow entirely different chronologies.
Discussion is surely warranted about whether jihadism of the early twentieth century is sufficiently described as an equally anti-Western and rightwing-radical youth movement. What research deficits remain? The as yet unwritten global history of organized youth would certainly be a mammoth undertaking. A viable starting point for a work of this sort would be those places where the level of networking was highest, that is to say the transnational transfer and local adaptation of certain organizational cultures and the actors who enabled this.
Moreover, there is much to be said for comparative studies which analyze development dynamics, communitization processes and practices of exclusion among organized youth leagues in various regions of the world. A worthwhile focus of future research would undoubtedly be the spread of youth movements to rural regions, where youth organizations achieved a higher penetration rate than they did in urban centers with their more informal forms of socializing among young people. The road here lies open.
Versions: 1. Copyright c Clio-online e. SomeProperty:: , [] und kann somit nicht als Name oder Teil einer Abfragebedingung verwendet werden. Honeck youth organizations v1 en Aus Docupedia. Wechseln zu: Navigation , Suche. Close Print. Youth Organizations. Hitler Youth, Komsomol, Boy Scouts — no grand narrative of the twentieth century can ignore these youth leagues and their millions of members.
For some these organizations meant fun and games or adventure, for others rigid hierarchies and political indoctrination. These stereotypes notwithstanding, historians have nevertheless succeeded in painting a nuanced picture of this pedagogical innovation. This contribution outlines the key developments in scholarly debate and shows how addressing youth organizations can benefit core working areas of contemporary history. Boy Scouts, Gettysburg, July Photographer: unknown. Published in: Bain News Service Photograph collection.
Members of the Hitler Youth at a demonstration, autumn , Photographer: unknown. Recruiting poster, Junge Union Bayern Author: unknown. Girl Scouts, April Photographer: Adolph B. Photographer: Horst Sturm. Copyright: pieshops gmail. Recommended Reading. Alexander, Kristine, Guiding modern girls.
Honeck, Mischa, Our frontier is the world. Kater, Michael H. Krabbe, Wolfgang R. Rosenberg, Gabriel N. Quote as. Mischa Honeck , Youth Organizations, Version: 1. Mischa Honeck , Youth Organizations,. German Version: Jugendorganisationen. Literaturempfehlungen 8. Web-Ressourcen 4. List of Youth Organizations Wikipedia. Liste von Jugendorganisationen in Deutschland Wikipedia. Liste von Jugendorganisationen in Deutschland.
Rezensionen 8. Ahrens, R. Eine neue Geschichte — Franziska Meier. Edwards, S. Kater, M.
Norwig, C. Savage, J. Die Erfindung der Jugend Nina Mackert. Speitkamp, W.